The Trump Foundation, a charitable organization, was found by the New York AG to have engaged in a pattern of illegal conduct including: making a $25,000 donation to Florida AG Pam Bondi (who was deciding whether to open a Trump University investigation), purchasing a $20,000 portrait of Trump, paying off legal settlements for Trump businesses, and illegally coordinating with the Trump 2016 presidential campaign. Trump had also used foundation money to pay personal legal settlements — including $258,000 to resolve lawsuits involving his businesses.
The $130,000 payment to Daniels was made by Cohen 11 days before the 2016 election to prevent her account from influencing voters. Trump reimbursed Cohen through Trump Organization checks falsely described as payments for legal services. The Manhattan DA's office prosecuted Trump for the falsification of business records; a jury of 12 New Yorkers convicted Trump on all 34 counts on May 30, 2024. Trump was the first sitting or former U.S. president convicted of criminal offenses.
The New York AG investigation found that the Trump Foundation was used as a checkbook for Trump's personal and business interests rather than charitable purposes: charitable funds settled legal disputes for Trump businesses, purchased a $10,000 portrait of Trump, made politically timed donations, and were illegally coordinated with the 2016 campaign. Trump was required to pay $2 million to legitimate charities as a penalty.
Captain Humayun Khan had received the Bronze Star and was posthumously awarded the Purple Heart for his actions on June 8, 2004, when he was killed stopping a suicide car bomb that would have killed many more soldiers. His parents appeared at the DNC in support of Hillary Clinton and against Trump's Muslim ban, which would have prevented their family's immigration. Trump responded by suggesting Ghazala Khan had been silent at the podium because she was 'not allowed' to speak under Islamic tradition — she said she was too overcome by grief to speak. Trump described himself as having made 'sacrifices' comparable to the Khans' loss.
The Senate Intelligence Committee's August 2020 bipartisan report documented that Paul Manafort shared confidential Trump campaign polling data with Konstantin Kilimnik, a Ukrainian political consultant the committee assessed had ties to Russian intelligence. The report characterized this as 'a grave counterintelligence threat.' The report also documented extensive contacts between Trump campaign officials and Russian nationals. Mueller found the hacking and dumping of Democratic emails benefited the Trump campaign and that the campaign was aware of, and made use of, the releases — but did not find sufficient evidence of criminal conspiracy between the campaign and the Russian government.
Trump's 2016 campaign rallies were sites of documented violence against protesters, directly preceded by Trump's explicit incitements from the stage. Trump offered to pay legal fees for supporters who assaulted protesters, described violence against protesters nostalgically, and encouraged crowds. Multiple protesters were punched, kicked, shoved, or sprayed with mace; in at least one case Trump faced civil liability for the conduct of his supporters. A federal appeals court allowed a lawsuit by injured protesters to proceed.
Cohen's guilty plea was not just his own conviction — it was Trump's implication. Cohen stated in federal court that the campaign finance crimes (the Daniels and McDougal payments) were committed 'in coordination with and at the direction of' a candidate for federal office. The federal prosecutors who accepted his plea treated Trump as an unindicted co-conspirator. Cohen served three years in federal prison; Trump, protected by the OLC no-indictment policy, was not indicted federally until after leaving office.
The Trump Tower Moscow project involved Cohen emailing Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov's office in January 2016 seeking Putin's personal assistance advancing the project. Trump signed a letter of intent in October 2015. Negotiations continued through June 2016. Cohen testified to Congress in 2017 that negotiations ended in January 2016 — a lie he later admitted under oath. The project would have been the largest Trump deal ever, potentially worth hundreds of millions of dollars and requiring Russian government approval. Throughout this period, Trump repeatedly denied any Russian business dealings and publicly advocated for lifting sanctions on Russia.
The Bank Secrecy Act requires casinos to file Currency Transaction Reports (CTRs) for cash transactions over $10,000 and Suspicious Activity Reports (SARs) for transactions that appear to involve money laundering. FinCEN found that Trump Taj Mahal had willfully failed to file CTRs and SARs, allowed transactions structured to avoid reporting thresholds (known as structuring — itself a federal crime), and maintained an anti-money laundering program with known deficiencies for years without correction. The settlement required payment of $10 million and an admission that violations occurred. The casino had also received a previous warning from regulators in the 1990s about similar violations — meaning the failures were repeated over more than two decades.
FinCEN found that the Trump Taj Mahal had, over the course of years, failed to file Currency Transaction Reports (CTRs) on large cash transactions as required under the Bank Secrecy Act, failed to maintain adequate Suspicious Activity Report (SAR) programs, and failed to maintain basic anti-money-laundering controls. The violations were documented across thousands of transactions. FinCEN described the violations as 'willful' — meaning the casino knew what was required and did not comply. The $10 million fine was FinCEN's largest-ever against a casino; the previous Trump casinos had also faced regulatory action.
The National Enquirer's 'catch and kill' program operated by buying the rights to stories from people with negative accounts of Trump — paying them for exclusives and then killing the stories. AMI purchased stories involving alleged sexual affairs and other damaging material. Federal prosecutors concluded the scheme constituted illegal campaign contributions; AMI entered a non-prosecution agreement admitting this. David Pecker's cooperation was central to the conviction of Michael Cohen and the eventual conviction of Trump himself.
Trump began promoting birtherism on television in 2011, claiming Obama was 'born in Kenya' and demanding proof of U.S. birth. When Obama released his birth certificate in April 2011, Trump claimed credit. He continued to make or amplify birther claims through 2012, 2013, 2014, and as late as August 2016. The birther movement was not factually novel — it was a conspiracy theory that had circulated in fringe circles — but Trump elevated it to mainstream political discourse. Scholars and civil rights groups documented that the theory's premise was inseparable from the claim that a Black man with the name Barack Hussein Obama could not legitimately be an American president.
The birther conspiracy theory — the claim that Obama was born in Kenya or elsewhere outside the U.S. — had no factual basis. Hawaii state officials repeatedly confirmed the birth certificate's authenticity. Obama released both a short-form and long-form birth certificate. Federal courts dismissed challenges to Obama's eligibility. The theory persisted in certain quarters as a form of racial delegitimization of the first Black president. Trump became its most prominent mainstream advocate, using it to build his political profile before his 2016 presidential campaign. Trump's 2016 acknowledgment that Obama was born in the U.S. came without apology and included the false claim that Clinton had started the birther controversy.
Trump spent five years as the most high-profile national birther — making repeated media appearances questioning Obama's birth certificate, demanding documents, and insisting Hawaii was hiding something. Obama released his long-form birth certificate in April 2011 specifically in response to Trump's media campaign. Trump continued the campaign for years afterward. In September 2016, he held a press conference in which he acknowledged Obama was born in the United States — and falsely blamed Hillary Clinton for starting the theory.
Trump SoHo buyers, including an investor group led by Sateesh Bhagat, discovered that marketing materials claiming 60% of units were sold were false — fewer than 15% had been sold. They sued for fraud. The Manhattan DA opened a parallel criminal investigation. In 2012, after Trump lawyers met with DA Vance, the investigation was dropped. Vance later received a $25,000 campaign contribution from Kasowitz's law firm, which he initially kept and later returned; Vance denied it influenced his decision. The Bhagat investor group settled civilly for $3.16 million. The pattern — criminal investigation followed by dropped charges after private meeting — resembled the Bondi situation in Florida.
Trump University promised to teach students Trump's real estate 'secrets' through courses taught by his handpicked instructors. In practice, it was found to be a high-pressure sales operation that extracted money from vulnerable people — including elderly retirees — through a series of escalating upsells. New York's attorney general sued for $40 million; a California class action settled for $25 million in 2016.
Trump University was not a real university — it had no degree programs, no accreditation, and was not approved to use the word 'university' in New York. Students paid from $1,495 for a preview seminar to $35,000 for a 'Trump Elite' mentorship package. Former employees provided sworn declarations that they were instructed to aggressively upsell students to higher-priced programs and use high-pressure sales tactics. Student evaluation forms praised instructors at the time — but these were collected before students could assess outcomes. Former Trump University president Michael Sexton acknowledged the program was selling a brand, not education. Trump had selected none of the instructors himself, contradicting his marketing claims.
Trump University was not an accredited university and did not grant degrees. It marketed heavily using Trump's image and promises that students would learn from Trump's 'handpicked instructors.' Playbooks obtained by Washington Post showed instructors were coached to identify students' financial resources and upsell them to higher tiers; students were encouraged to raise credit card limits to pay for more expensive packages. Former employees testified to high-pressure sales tactics. The $25 million settlement resolved claims by approximately 6,000 students and was approved by a federal judge in April 2017.
At least 5 women who competed in Miss Universe or Miss Teen USA pageants publicly described Trump entering backstage areas while contestants were changing. In a 2005 Howard Stern interview, Trump explicitly described walking through dressing rooms at his pageants as a privilege of ownership, saying he could 'get away with' it. Former contestants described the experience as shocking and uncomfortable. Miss Teen USA contestants who were minors at the time of the alleged incidents described the same pattern. Trump denied the specific allegations made in 2016 while his Stern interview statements directly contradicted aspects of his denial.
E. Jean Carroll first publicly accused Trump of rape in 2019; the legal case was delayed by Trump's claims of immunity as president. In May 2023, a jury found Trump liable for sexual abuse (not rape under New York's technical definition) and defamation. In January 2024, a second jury awarded $83.3 million in damages for Trump's continuing defamatory statements. Trump called Carroll's account 'a made up Fake story' and said she was 'not my type.'
Carroll, a longtime advice columnist, alleged Trump attacked her in the dressing room of Bergdorf Goodman in Manhattan in approximately 1996. Trump denied knowing her and described her as 'not my type.' The jury in May 2023 found Trump liable for sexual abuse (not rape, under the definition in New York law at the time) and defamation, awarding $5 million. After Trump continued publicly attacking Carroll following the verdict, she filed a second defamation suit; in January 2024, a jury awarded $83.3 million in compensatory and punitive damages — one of the largest defamation awards in U.S. history. Multiple other women made similar allegations; Trump denied all.
Workers at Trump properties documented wage theft in multiple documented cases: dishwashers and waiters at Trump's Atlantic City casinos said they were told management had decided not to pay them; golf course workers in New York, Florida, and New Jersey described being denied overtime and having wages disputed after work was completed; cleaning and maintenance workers at Trump properties reported underpayment of hourly wages. The pattern was consistent with the contractor nonpayment strategy — dispute the amount after work is done, offer less than owed, and rely on the economics of litigation to prevent recovery. The Department of Labor found violations at Trump properties in multiple investigations.
Trump bragged on the Howard Stern show that he would 'go backstage' before shows and that contestants 'are standing there with no clothes' — and that 'I'm allowed to go in because I'm the owner of the pageant.' Multiple former Miss Universe and Miss Teen USA contestants confirmed the behavior; for the teen pageant, the contestants were as young as 15. Trump's ownership gave him structural access that contestants could not refuse without losing their competition standing.
The relationship between Trump and Epstein was documented through photographs, a 1992 party video, Trump's 2002 New York magazine comment, and Epstein's own court documents. After Epstein's 2019 arrest on federal sex trafficking charges involving minors, documents in the case referenced Trump. A 2015 deposition of a Epstein associate indicated Trump was involved in social circles that intersected with Epstein's activities — though the deposition document was disputed. Trump denied involvement in any of Epstein's criminal activities, and no charges were brought against Trump in connection with Epstein. The nature and extent of the social relationship were documented; the 2019 distancing contradicted the warmth of the 2002 description.
Trump's Atlantic City casinos were overleveraged from the beginning: the Taj Mahal alone carried $675 million in junk bonds at 14% interest when it opened in 1990. When revenue fell short of the debt service requirements, bankruptcy followed. Through six rounds of bankruptcy, Trump negotiated deals that preserved his equity stake or management role while bondholders received cents on the dollar. He personally profited $82 million in salary and fees from the casinos between 1995 and 2009 while publicly traded Trump Hotels & Casino Resorts lost $1.4 billion. Trump repeatedly characterized the bankruptcies as strategic use of 'the laws of this country' and claimed he had made 'a lot of money' on Atlantic City.
Trump's Atlantic City ventures were financed substantially through junk bonds. The Trump Taj Mahal opened in April 1990 carrying $675 million in junk bond debt at interest rates of 14 percent; by December 1990 it was behind on interest payments. The first bankruptcy followed in 1991. Trump subsequently filed bankruptcies involving his casino holdings in 1992, 2004, and 2009. In each restructuring, bondholders and creditors took substantial haircuts. Trump negotiated to retain management fees and significant equity stakes as conditions of restructuring. He ultimately sold his remaining stake in Trump Entertainment Resorts in 2009 and 2010. Trump characterized the repeated bankruptcies as smart use of the legal system; critics noted the losses were borne primarily by investors and creditors, not Trump personally.
Trump's Atlantic City casinos — the Taj Mahal, Plaza, Castle, and related entities — were financed with junk bonds carrying interest rates of 14-17%, which were unsustainable given the revenue the casinos could generate. Trump had collected hundreds of millions in management fees, licensing fees, and development profits before the bankruptcies. When the companies collapsed, thousands of bondholders, including retirees who had purchased the high-yield bonds, received pennies on the dollar or nothing.
The Times investigation identified multiple strategies: Fred Trump created a shell company called All County Building Supply & Maintenance to collect money from Trump properties, which was then used to justify large increases in maintenance fees that were passed to Trump children as untaxed income; Fred Trump's estate was valued at far below market rates to reduce estate taxes; and the children, acting in concert, were able to receive hundreds of millions in what amounted to gifts but were legally classified in ways that minimized tax exposure. The New York Department of Taxation opened a review.
Trump's NDA culture predated the presidency. Former Trump Organization employees described comprehensive NDAs covering all aspects of their employment. The campaign NDAs were drafted by Trump's attorneys and covered staffers, volunteers, and contractors. Several current and former employees who spoke to journalists anonymously or were approached by journalists described fear of legal action as the primary reason they declined to speak on the record. Michael Cohen's 'catch and kill' operation with AMI (American Media Inc.) extended the silencing mechanism to women who alleged sexual misconduct. Omarosa Manigault Newman, a former White House employee, claimed she was pressured to sign an NDA after her departure that would have prohibited any public criticism of Trump.
The Times obtained decades of Fred Trump's tax records showing the family used fraudulent asset undervaluation, sham consulting fees, and a dummy corporation ('All County Building Supply') to transfer over $1 billion in wealth to Trump and his siblings while evading hundreds of millions in estate and gift taxes. A separate 2020 investigation found Trump had paid virtually no federal income tax for years.
Following the 1989 Central Park jogger case, Trump took out full-page ads in four New York newspapers calling for the death penalty for five teenagers — Antron McCray, Kevin Richardson, Yusef Salaam, Raymond Santana, and Korey Wise — then aged 14-16. All five were convicted after making coerced false confessions. In 2002, the actual perpetrator confessed and DNA confirmed the exonerations. Trump refused to accept the exonerations for decades and called their civil settlement a 'disgrace' while running for president.
The 1989 Central Park jogger case involved the assault and rape of Trisha Meili. Police coerced confessions from five teenagers — Antron McCray, Kevin Richardson, Yusef Salaam, Raymond Santana, and Korey Wise — who ranged in age from 14 to 16. All five served sentences after conviction. In 2002, convicted serial rapist Matias Reyes confessed to the attack alone; DNA evidence confirmed only his DNA. The convictions were vacated. In 2014, New York City settled their lawsuit for $41 million. Trump ran full-page ads in four newspapers in 1989 calling for the death penalty; in 2019, he told reporters 'You have people on both sides of that' and that the settlement 'doesn't mean they were innocent.'
The five teenagers — Yusef Salaam, Kevin Richardson, Antron McCray, Raymond Santana, and Korey Wise — were 14 to 16 years old at the time of their arrest. They gave confessions that were later found to have been coerced during lengthy interrogations without parents present. In 2002, Matias Reyes confessed to the attack; DNA evidence confirmed his account and proved the five had not committed the rape. The city of New York settled with them for $41 million in 2014. Trump called the settlement a disgrace and continued to maintain the five were guilty. His 1989 ads ran in the New York Times, Daily News, New York Post, and New York Newsday.
Trump's racial views in the 1980s and early 1990s were documented through multiple sources: a former Trump Organization executive documented Trump expressing that he didn't want Black people managing his money; Trump testified before Congress that Native American casino operators had an unfair advantage and made racially charged statements about their appearance and background; Trump made public comments about crime in Black neighborhoods. These documented patterns preceded and contextualized his political career.
Ivana Trump's deposition account described a violent sexual assault during their marriage: Trump had been infuriated by the pain from a scalp surgery and, Ivana said, tore out her hair, pinned her to the bed, and raped her. The account appeared in Harry Hurt III's 'Lost Tycoon' (1993). Ivana issued a statement walking back the word 'rape,' saying she did not use it in a criminal sense but used the word in an 'emotional, not literal sense.' Trump's attorney Michael Cohen, when the account was reported in the press during the 2016 campaign, threatened a reporter and falsely stated that 'you cannot rape your spouse' — a claim that was wrong under New York law even then.
Trump purchased the Eastern Air Shuttle for $365 million in 1988 and renamed it Trump Shuttle. Unable to make debt service payments on the junk bonds used to finance the purchase, Trump lost control of the airline to creditors in 1992 — it operated for only four years. Trump Steaks were sold through The Sharper Image beginning in 2007 and discontinued within two months due to poor sales. Trump Magazine was launched in 2007 and folded within five months. Trump Vodka was launched in 2005 and discontinued by 2011. The pattern across these ventures was consistent: launch with celebrity promotion, heavy licensing of the Trump name, and eventual failure attributed to market conditions.
Tony Schwartz spent 18 months with Trump to research and write The Art of the Deal. By his account, Trump's attention span was limited, he rarely focused on any topic for more than a few minutes, and most of what appeared in the book was invented or shaped by Schwartz from fragments of Trump's statements. The book created the public image of Trump as a brilliant real estate dealmaker — an image Trump leveraged throughout his political career as evidence of his fitness for office. Schwartz's 2016 interviews in The New Yorker and subsequent public statements described the book as a fabrication of Trump's public identity and said he feared Trump becoming president.
Trump and Epstein were documented social associates from the late 1980s through the mid-2000s. They attended parties together at Trump's Mar-a-Lago estate and in Manhattan. In a 2002 New York magazine interview, Trump described Epstein as 'a terrific guy' who enjoyed 'the younger side' of women — a statement that took on significance after Epstein's arrest. Virginia Giuffre, one of Epstein's primary victims, alleged in court filings that she encountered Trump at events hosted by Epstein. Trump banned Epstein from Mar-a-Lago around 2004-2005 after Epstein allegedly assaulted the daughter of a Mar-a-Lago member. Acosta, Trump's later Secretary of Labor, was the U.S. Attorney who gave Epstein a controversial 2008 plea deal.
The New York AG's investigation found: Trump used foundation funds to settle legal obligations of his businesses (including a $100,000 payment from the foundation to settle a lawsuit against Mar-a-Lago), purchased items for personal use (including a $10,000 portrait of himself and a $12,000 signed Tim Tebow helmet), directed foundation funds to charities at political events in exchange for applause in possible violation of campaign finance law, and improperly used the foundation to pay a $25,000 contribution to a political organization supporting Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi — who subsequently declined to investigate Trump University fraud claims. Trump did not have meaningful control over the foundation, which was run largely by his children without proper board oversight.
USA Today and other outlets documented a decades-long pattern in which Trump companies refused to pay contractors, vendors, and workers after completion of their work. Affected businesses included a dishware supplier, a plumbing contractor, a piano bar operator, and hundreds of others. Trump's negotiating strategy, described by associates, was to refuse payment and force small businesses to accept pennies on the dollar rather than face litigation.
The 2019 NYT investigation used IRS data from 1985-1994, finding Trump declared $1.17 billion in losses — an average of $117 million per year — largely from casino and real estate failures. The losses were so large that Trump paid no income tax in eight of the ten years. The 2020 investigation of complete tax returns found Trump paid $750 in federal income taxes in 2016 and $750 in 2017 through aggressive deductions, carried-forward losses, and tax credits. Trump had for decades refused to release his tax returns, claiming he was under IRS audit. He remained the only presidential candidate in modern history to refuse release until his returns were eventually obtained by courts after litigation.
Trump hired contractor William Kaszycki who used approximately 200 undocumented Polish workers to demolish the Bonwit Teller building for below-minimum wages — approximately $4-5 per hour, no overtime. Workers say they were not provided safety equipment for handling asbestos-laden material. When they complained about nonpayment, a foreman told them to 'get back to work or they'll be reported to immigration.' Trump settled a class action suit in 1998.
The USA Today investigation identified at least 200 contractors, companies, and individuals who claimed Trump failed to pay them for their work. Victims included small businesses that were left near bankruptcy by the nonpayments. A Venetian glass supplier from the Trump Tower lobby renovation said Trump reduced his payment by $350,000 and told him to sue; the supplier could not afford protracted litigation. Dishwashers and waiters at Trump's Atlantic City casinos described being denied wages and having to sue to recover even small amounts. Trump's lawyers routinely challenged the quality of work performed, even for long-completed projects, and offered settlements far below what was owed.
Building in 1980s New York required navigating a concrete industry dominated by organized crime. Trump Tower, built 1980-1983, used S&A Concrete, a company co-owned by Anthony 'Fat Tony' Salerno (Genovese crime boss) and Paul Castellano (Gambino crime boss) through intermediaries. Trump's relationship with Roy Cohn — who simultaneously represented multiple mob clients — connected him to the broader organized crime ecosystem. His Atlantic City casinos dealt with labor unions whose pension funds and leadership had documented mob ties. These relationships did not make Trump a mobster; they documented the environment in which he built his early business empire and the tolerance or accommodation he showed to organized crime-connected business partners.
The women who accused Trump of sexual misconduct covered a range of circumstances: models and contestants at Trump-owned beauty pageants, women at events and parties, employees in business settings, and strangers at social venues. The common elements across many accounts were unwanted kissing or groping in private settings with no witnesses. After the October 2016 Access Hollywood tape, in which Trump said 'when you're a star, they let you do it. You can do anything. Grab 'em by the pussy,' multiple women came forward stating the tape described what Trump had done to them. Trump called all accusers liars and threatened to sue them.
USA Today's 2016 investigation found that Trump and his companies had been sued more than 3,500 times in U.S. federal and state courts over the previous three decades, with a significant portion related to nonpayment claims by contractors, vendors, and employees. Among those who reported not being paid: drapery installers, piano players, porters, waiters, dishwashers, real estate brokers, plumbers, and hundreds of hourly workers. Trump's standard response was to challenge the quality of work — often leaving small contractors to choose between expensive litigation or accepting partial payment.
Trump met Roy Cohn at Studio 54 in 1973 during the housing discrimination lawsuit. Cohn became his attorney, fixer, and strategic advisor for over a decade. Cohn represented Trump in multiple legal matters and taught him a specific political and legal style: never settle (except when you do), never apologize, and reframe every defense as an attack. Cohn's other clients during this period included mob boss Fat Tony Salerno, Gambino crime family figures, and New York tabloid figures. Trump's Atlantic City casino construction involved documented relationships with contractors controlled by the Genovese crime family; the concrete supplier for Trump Tower and other Trump projects was S&A Concrete, co-owned by Salerno and Paul Castellano.
Black applicants at Trump apartment buildings were systematically denied housing that was simultaneously offered to white applicants. A Black doorman described being instructed to discourage Black applicants; the government documented instances where the Trumps coded applications with a 'C' (for 'colored') to identify Black applicants for rejection. Trump hired Roy Cohn to fight the lawsuit, countersuing the government for $100 million. He settled without admitting guilt in 1975. Three years later, DOJ filed a second suit alleging violations of the settlement terms.
The DOJ brought one of the largest housing discrimination lawsuits of 1973 against the Trumps, alleging their agents told Black rental applicants apartments were not available when they were available to white applicants, coded applications by race, and directed minority applicants to housing in predominantly Black neighborhoods. Trump denied the allegations vigorously and counterattacked the DOJ. The company settled in 1975 and allegedly violated the decree by 1978.
The DOJ suit was based on a year-long investigation by the Fair Housing Division, including undercover testers who posed as prospective renters. Black testers were told no apartments were available or were given discouraging treatment; white testers at the same buildings were shown units and given applications. Trump applications were alleged to contain a 'C' code — interpreted as standing for 'colored' — to flag non-white applicants. Trump hired Roy Cohn, who filed a $100 million countersuit against the DOJ (dismissed). The 1975 consent decree required anti-discriminatory practices but did not require Trump to admit wrongdoing. Three years later, the DOJ found Trump Management had violated the decree.
John O'Donnell's 1991 memoir 'Trumped!' quoted Trump making explicitly racist remarks about a Black accountant: criticizing the employee's work and saying he preferred having 'short guys that wear yarmulkes every day' do his accounting rather than Black men. In a 1997 Playboy interview, Trump was asked about the quotes and replied the book was 'probably true' — then added that he had been 'playing golf' when he said it and denied the remarks were racist. New Jersey Casino Control Commission records documented that supervisors at Trump's Castle were instructed to remove Black dealers from tables when certain high-rolling guests requested it, a discriminatory practice that resulted in regulatory sanctions.
The DOJ complaint documented specific evidence including testers — white and Black individuals sent to inquire about the same apartments — where Black applicants were told there were no vacancies while white applicants were offered leases for the same units. An employee named Elyse Goldweber documented that a Trump employee had marked rental applications with the letter 'C' (for 'colored') to identify minority applicants. Trump's response was to hire Roy Cohn, file a $100 million countersuit against the DOJ (which was dismissed), and ultimately settle via consent decree in 1975. The consent decree required Trump Management to place ads in minority newspapers and to notify the Urban League of vacancies; Trump violated the decree within two years and a second agreement had to be negotiated.
Roy Cohn served as Donald Trump's attorney and mentor from the early 1970s until Cohn's death in 1986. Cohn — who had been Joseph McCarthy's chief counsel during the Red Scare, was later disbarred, and died of AIDS while denying he had it — introduced Trump to organized crime figures connected to the Genovese and Gambino families, taught him to use litigation as a weapon rather than a legitimate process, and instilled the maxim 'never apologize, never admit.' Trump's operating philosophy throughout his career directly reflects Cohn's explicit teachings.
The four student deferments were legal and widely used by college students of the era. The 1968 bone spurs medical deferment, obtained after Trump's student deferments expired at graduation, came from Dr. Larry Braunstein, a podiatrist in Jamaica, Queens — a building owner named Fred Trump. Braunstein's daughters told the New York Times in 2018 that their father provided the diagnosis as a 'favor' to Fred Trump, the landlord. Trump has described his bone spurs in varying ways over the years, at times saying they had healed on their own and at other times appearing not to remember which foot was affected. He has praised military service at Veterans events while criticizing specific veterans including John McCain for being captured.